(wow) Words Of Wonders Level 2726 Answers – On the morning after the November 2016 presidential election, Annie Weaver, like millions of people across the country, was confused.
“I remember coming into work that day and stopping at Wawa and not even making eye contact with people because I couldn't believe this was the world we lived in,” he recalls.
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Weaver, 52, an elementary school teacher in Chester County, spent the fall watching Donald Trump stumble toward Election Day with horror and amusement, trusting that the country, and especially his community, would reject the man. “We're a Christian community, a community that cares about each other, I thought values are character a lot more than I thought,” Weaver said.
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Sitting in church that weekend, he felt betrayed. The values the church talked about were wrong. Looking at his longtime friends and colleagues, he asked himself: How did you vote for him? After a lifetime of ministry, including a mission to Japan, he left his church.
Weaver also looked inside, wondering how he could do so little in the face of such grave threats. After learning about the Women's March in Washington DC, she vowed — if she had to go alone.
Joining the crowd in Washington on Jan. 21, Weaver carried a sign listing her motivations for marching, first the children she teaches. He made his New Year's resolution that the next election would be different.
That commitment would eventually lead him to become an infantryman, then a lieutenant, in a grassroots army that combined electoral politics and community organizing—a strategy that paid stunning dividends both in the field and at the polls. Local progressives have toppled countless seats in the crimson citadel, defeated attempts to privatize the prison and seriously investigated police brutality for the first time in the city's history. And while Weaver didn't name his district's congressional candidates in 2016, the cycle has become a close participant in one of the nation's most innovative Democratic House campaigns — Jess Kings' bid for the 11th District.
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King, a Mennonite, was born and raised in Leola, where Weaver's husband now works at a Styrofoam cup factory. His family found refuge in Lancaster about 12 generations ago, and for many there, not much has changed: The Amish still travel by horse and buggy and eschew modern conveniences like electricity.
Lancaster County, Pennsylvania is what you might call Trump Country. The rural and deeply religious district turned solidly Republican in 2016, as it has consistently done in recent years.
Weaver, always afraid to talk about politics in New Holland, found a few kindred spirits. But Trump's victory has awakened an undercurrent of progressive values. As Weaver grappled with his own internal crisis, concerned local faith leaders, small business owners, social workers, teachers and students called an emergency meeting in nearby Lancaster City to gauge their reactions to the impending Trump presidency.
King was able to help the group secure a meeting space in a historic building, which he presided over for a profit. The meeting was attended by several hundred people, which was surprising for the region. The next month, 400 people showed up – about 600 the following month. The parishioners decided to formalize the forces into a new civic group called Lancaster Stands Up.
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They began meeting regularly over attacks such as the Muslim ban and efforts to repeal the Affordable Care Act. They also started targeting the upcoming local elections in November.
Weaver stumbled upon LSU when he saw on Facebook that it was holding a rally in Lancaster Square to protest the Muslim ban. Two thousand people filled the square, one of the largest demonstrations in Lancaster's history. LSU collected their contact information at the event. They also went the extra mile — LSU organizer Julia Berkman-Hill personally called Weaver to get her involved.
Weaver began going door-to-door in Lancaster City for reasons LSU made its own. He has rallied to defend the Affordable Care Act and campaigned for Democratic candidates for Manheim City Council.
In June, Jess King began her run for Congress and had to leave LSU, which by law must remain independent from the campaign. (That didn't stop the state GOP from filing a complaint with the Federal Election Commission alleging improper coordination between LSU and King's campaign.) In July 2016, Christina Hartman, who ran for Congress, announced she would continue to run. Run to places. Despite Hillary Clinton's poor performance – she won the district 47.5 percent to Clinton's 42.9 percent – she quickly gained the support of state party leaders, including former governor Ed Rendell, most of Congress and other local politicians.
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The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee invited Hartman — but not King — to Washington for candidate training. The big money started rolling In December, EMILY's List, a pro-choice women's advocacy group based in Washington, D.C., endorsed Hartman, throwing more money his way and establishing him as the inevitable candidate.
The conflict between applicants emerged as part of LSU's application process over the results of a distributed survey. For example, when King was asked about his stance on a controversial pipeline that some members of the community oppose, King replied, “Fracked gas pipelines threaten our land and our waters so some oil and gas executives can get rich. I oppose building the Atlantic. Sunrise Pipeline..”
Hartman doesn't take sides, writing, “To be true to our heritage, we must make responsible land decisions while balancing the needs of our economy, and I strive to ensure that it grows sustainably.”
Weaver believes she probably voted for Hartman in 2016, but can't be sure. At this point, Hartmann's approach was perceived as lacking. Weaver and his LSU teammates voted overwhelmingly to support their former teammate.
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Volunteer Liz Holcraft wears a button to support Jess King as they make fabrics in Mount Joy, Penn., on August 18, 2018.
King is trying to win the campaign, but along the way, he's making a broader impact—advocating for progressive causes and helping like-minded local candidates.
Last November, Democrats gained seats across the state, but the party did particularly well in King County. In Lancaster City, Democrats swept the council, winning four seats with a historically varied slate of relatively progressive candidates. The town, which is 30 percent Puerto Rican and home to many displaced by Hurricane Maria, also elected Salina Almanza, the first Puerto Rican school board member. (The King campaign has a paid staff that specializes in organizing, registering and polling low-income voters in Lancaster City, many of whom are Latino and African-American in the majority city.)
In Manheim Township, a historically conservative area where Weaver campaigned for LSU, Democrats won all six school board seats. Diane Bates, a progressive millennial, won her Borough Council race in archconservative Millersville. Elizabethtown hasn't had a Democrat on the city council since the 1970s, but last fall they elected an IBEW member named Bill Troutman.
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In an email to supporters the day after the local election, King noted that Washington is beginning to take notice. “There's no question: We're going to change this country from the bottom up. Last night, as Democrats scored historic victories, POLITICO changed its PA-16 rating from Likely GOP to Weak GOP. We can win this,” he vowed. . .
The energy building around the campaign was soon redirected in a new direction when LSU organizer Michelle Hines spotted an article in the paper about the local jail. The county is reportedly preparing to outsource its inmate reentry program to the for-profit prison company Geo Group. For the past decade, a coalition of nonprofit organizations has worked to find housing and employment for inmates released from prison. But it would go further than the new for-profit approach – depriving dependents of wider support.
LSU has a heart for individuals in the criminal justice system, one of the most important groups involved in prisoner reentry. It was an unusual meeting of minds. “Their approach is that they meet with commissioners and judges and prison boards and organize and lobby the litigants. Our approach is to blow things up, Hines said. “We decided to mix these methods.”
In November, that “social base” was effectively assembled into a standing-room-only crowd that bombarded the Lancaster County Jail Board with protests. “The profit motive works great when it's focused on mattresses, farm machinery and investment,” coalition volunteer Franz Herr told the board. “It transcends its moral limitations when it becomes a tool to profit from the enslavement of people.” The council abandoned the plan when it faced an unexpected amount of public opposition.
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For Jonathan Smucker, one of the group's founders, the win was more than just a win. “There is a process to show people that when we build the ability to throw numbers and push, it can be defeated, it can be changed.
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