(wow) Words Of Wonders Level 1394 Answers – Neve & Nicola: While working on our previous book, The Human Right to Dominate, we repeatedly encountered Israeli accusations that the Palestinians were using human shields as a war strategy in Gaza. As Palestinian armed groups use civilians as human shields and place them in front of legitimate military targets, Israel is not responsible for civilian deaths and cannot be accused of violating the laws of war. We see it as part of a defensive strategy before Israel is accused of committing war crimes in the 2014 “Protective Edge” military campaign. At least 2,133 Palestinians, 1 civilian, 489 people were killed in the campaign, including 500 children and 257 women.
We also know that this mindset is common in other fields of political violence, from military operations against the Islamic State in Iraq to wars in Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, Syria and Yemen. We decided to create Google alerts for new articles mentioning the phrase “human shield” and the number of alerts increased significantly over time. The fact that many countries continue to accuse non-state adversaries of hiding behind civilian shields while using these accusations to justify and justify massive civilian casualties is painful and brings us to some questions: Sometimes depicted as human shields, but sometimes as innocent civilians? How can civilians serve as shields to legitimize violence? From another perspective, is volunteering to be a human shield to stop state violence a humane or inhumane act? And what do these numbers tell us about the history of global political violence and the moral demands to justify it?
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That is, our goal is not to find out the “origins” of human defenses. Because the question of origins is always very difficult and often hides more than it reveals. Instead, we were interested in tracing the emergence of human rights as legal, ethical and political issues. So, we decided to build a genealogy of human protection by asking ourselves when the use of the vulnerable as a means of protection began to become a problem that ethically and legally disturbs people.
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The story begins by examining human rights cases during the First American Civil War (1861-65), when the River Law was developed, and the Franco-German War (1870-71), which sparked international debate. and morality. . Use of human symbols. He then described and analyzed the voluntary and involuntary movements of human symbols from the 20th century and up to the present day, highlighting how human symbols had different meanings and were integrated in different ways and for different purposes. To this end, we look at colonial wars, environmental wars, humanitarian wars, the war on terror, the use of signs against Palestinian state violence, and civil protests, including Black Lives Matter protests.
During our research, we discovered that human shields are like seismographs that record the moral, legal, and political values given to people at different historical times and geographic locations. Indeed, human security analysis helps uncover the complex ways in which class, race, gender, and other political structures permeate the laws of war and are essential to understanding the history of global political violence.
Ayça: As you know, forms of voluntary human shielding are generally ‘inconceivable’ in international law because they threaten the perception of civilians as victims (p.84). In theorizing these figures throughout the book, we distinguish between human defenses as ‘weapons’ and ‘instruments of peace’. Aside from the “choice” factor of human protection (which can be very difficult), what ethical, legal, historical and/or political criteria make a fundamental difference? How sustainable is this difference, especially in the context of aspirations for meaning, requirements, and even “peace”?
Neve & Nicola: Yes, that’s right. We argue that these symbols cannot be conceived within existing legal concepts, as the legal imagination is limited and human spontaneous symbols interfere with the way civil law is used. According to Helen Kinsella, Amanda Alexander, Karma Nabulsi, and Christiane Wilke, this is because the laws of war recognize civilians as non-combatants, public figures (mostly women), and innocent neighbors as “in need of protection.” ” . . Thus, the legal distinction between combatants and civilians is based on “agency” rather than “choice”. Civilians are often referred to as combatants when they challenge their own status quo. In fact, the law requires that civilians operate in conflict zones without violence and It doesn’t seem to consider the possibility of becoming a combatant.
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The same can be said about the difference between voluntary and involuntary manifestations. Agents are the main difference between the two, and this difference is very important to understanding how the law works. According to the Additional Protocol, involuntary human shields are protected persons, such as civilians and prisoners of war.
Like a shield’. The legal charges against the involuntary placement of the signs come from the premise that civilians don’t care and that forcibly turning them into weapons is wrong. In fact, the power of the provisions of this law rests on the awareness of indifferent civilians. Civilians who go into voluntary human shields, defend their legal claims of being passive, and the law is outraged. Simply put, there is no vocabulary to describe the condition of civilians using their bodies to resist violence.
. Voluntary shields are those who openly assert their choices, while involuntary shields are those who appear to have no choice and whose bodies are actively exploited by the warring parties to achieve their goals. Freedom of choice literally
Involuntary sign. Also, voluntary shielding is the use of the body in a non-violent way to prevent or stop violence whereas involuntary shielding is part of the economy of violence.
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Therefore, if it goes against the framework of the law of war, the distinction between voluntary and involuntary shields goes against the ethics of war. In this context, we introduce the difference between “weapon” and “tool of peace”.
Meanwhile, the human shield becomes a “weapon” when the warring parties use violence. That is, they use it to not only transform their bodies into warfare technology designed to protect military targets, but also to seal them in transport systems. Civilians, on the other hand, become “instruments of peace” by transforming their bodies into life-saving instruments used in a non-violent way to prevent or stop the use of lethal weapons. From Maud Royden and the ‘Peace Army’ who tried to organize the Sino-Japanese War in the 1930s to solidarity activists such as Iraq’s End Human Shield Action and Palestine’s Rachel Corrie, she believes that civilians are always at war. He chose to use his body against him. . .
However, only a certain group of people with common interests can serve as a voluntary shield and become “instruments of peace”, as can be seen in the book about the seminal works of Banu Bargu and Gada Mahrouse. It is important that attackers value their own lives more than those of the people they protect and therefore at least be able to deter them, as well as that they be perceived as non-violent. On the other hand, services to the underprivileged are almost always considered violent. Voluntary human protection helps to show how social hierarchy determines the interpretation of behavior, and how only those at the top of the ladder can be accepted as human signs. I saw where the Palestinians have always been. Violent Frames
Like a human shield. For them, voluntary protection isn’t really an option. Thus, it complicates the concept of choice by saying that it is the place of freedom of choice and its relation to interests that determines the possibility of voluntary protection and the probability of success.
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Noura: One of the most surprising things I found in your book was how the vignettes covered almost every specific category of human preferences. It seems to tell us not only the pros and cons of the concept of humanity, but also the importance of this particular story. Even in your strong response above, you make a similar point in Palestine, where voluntary protection is not possible. It is not for Palestinians or often their white allied groups. This is a place in Gaza in general.
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